Okonjo-Iweala and Jonathan’s profligacy
FORMER Finance Minister, Ngozi
Okonjo-Iweala, touched a raw nerve recently when she recalled the
profligacy of the immediate past Nigerian government. But, recanting a
day later, she tried vainly to shift the blame to state governors. In
the face of daily revelations of the financial banditry of the Goodluck
Jonathan administration, her narrative only adds to the injury of
Nigerians reeling from economic adversity caused largely by the corrupt
government she served.
Speaking at a forum at the
George Washington University, United States, she recalled that while the
country was able to save $22 billion (referring to the Excess Crude
Account), under former President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007), whom she
also served as Finance Minister, successive governments lacked the
political will to save when oil prices were high. That statement was an
admission of her own failure to exert a positive influence on a weak and
vacillating president who practically handed over the economy to her
with the novel title of Coordinating Minister for the Economy in
addition to her Finance Minister portfolio
The direction of public
discourse however changed when she caused a statement to be issued a day
later that the zero political will to save under Jonathan was squarely
the fault of the state governors whom she accused of opposing savings in
the ECA and in the Sovereign Wealth Fund. “Rather, she was referring to
what many Nigerians know: the strong opposition by some governors to
the Jonathan government’s efforts to save in the Excess Crude Account
and the Sovereign Wealth Fund sabotaged this important national
priority,” the statement said.
This utterly specious statement
insults public intelligence. It also flies in the face of facts.
Jonathan’s government was profligate, wasteful and had zero, even
sub-zero, political will to save. Attributing to Jonathan any serious
“efforts to save” is a brazen, insolent attempt to rewrite history, an
insult to the collective intelligence of Nigerians who are now bearing
the brunt of his cluelessness.
Until mid-2014, when oil prices
began to dip, that government benefitted from oil prices that hovered
around $100 per barrel and above. Based on savings of the country’s
share of oil revenues at prices above the annual budget anchor, the ECA
ought to have risen between 2011 and early 2015. As Charles Soludo and
Oby Ezekwesili, former Central Bank of Nigeria Governor and Education
Minister respectively under Obasanjo, reminded us, for some 72 months
while he (Obasanjo) was in office, the “average monthly oil price was
$38 per barrel and yet, he left $43 billion in foreign reserves.” But in
the last five years to January 2015 while Okonjo-Iweala and Jonathan
ruled the roost, they separately said, with average monthly price at
$100pb, foreign reserves had been declining. Soludo said, “If the
economy was better managed, our foreign reserves should have been
between $102 billion and $118 billion before the fall in oil prices. As
of now (January 2015), reserves should be around $90 billion.”
Ezekwesili insisted that $22 billion was saved in the ECA and $45
billion in reserves. Okonjo-Iweala’s attempt to blame lower oil
production then will not wash. Oil price benchmark was $75pb on 2.3mpd
in 2011, $72pb on 2.48mpd in 2012; $79pb on 2.52mpd in 2013, and $77.5pb
on 2.38mpd in 2014, while prices actually hovered around $100pb, making
up for lower production.
Nigerians have a better memory
than Okonjo-Iweala gives them credit for and remember vividly that state
governors vigorously opposed Obasanjo’s saving plan too, but it was the
then President’s determination that enabled the savings. Rotimi
Amaechi, then governor of Rivers State, claimed that governors insisted
on sharing what was left of the depleted ECA because they found that the
Federal Government under Jonathan and Umaru Yar’Adua before him had
been drawing from it without their knowledge. Remarkably, in a rebuttal
she authorised on January 7, 2015 to Obasanjo’s lament of the
squandering of $22 billion ECA, the Ministry of Finance said; “At the
end of May 2007, Nigeria’s gross reserves stood at $43.13 billion –
comprising the CBN’s external reserves of $31.5 billion, $9.43 billion
in ECA, and $2.18 billion in Federal Government’s savings”. Curiously,
at her Washington outing, she admitted, but did not specify when savings
hit the often-quoted $22 billion mark.
According to Soludo, the
Jonathan team did not save because it lacked the critical virtues of
leadership and integrity. Okonjo-Iweala’s attempt to shift the blame for
the fiscal recklessness of the government, of which she was the
economic pivot, is diversionary. If the state governors were averse to
saving – and we readily admit that they were and still are – did they
stop her and Jonathan from doing so? The subsisting revenue sharing
formula gives 52.68 per cent to the Federal Government; a government
committed to “efforts to save in the excess crude account and the SWF”
would have still saved its own share, irrespective of the profligacy of
state governors.
Rather than the paragon of
prudence she seeks to project of herself, Nigerians were shocked by her
confession in December 2015 that she acceded to a request from Jonathan
and released $322 million of the funds recovered from the loot stashed
away by the late dictator, Sani Abacha, for arms procurement. Scandalous
tales of un-appropriated money being taken directly from the CBN on
Jonathan’s authorisation by officials who promptly proceeded to disburse
them into non-government accounts, have continued to emerge; some cases
have been charged to court. These cannot be attributed to lack of
political will to save by governors. Her memo to Jonathan on the money
said a portion was from the Future Generations window of the SWF. But
for an online report that provoked that confession, neither Nigerians
nor the governors would have known that the government had begun raiding
the SWF. Nigeria’s governors are notoriously wasteful and extravagant,
but theirs paled in comparison to the excesses of the Jonathan
government.
Just as the governors did not
stop her and Jonathan from saving the federal share of the ECA, they did
not force them either to deplete special funds or grant the waivers,
exemptions and concessions that the Nigerian Customs Service said cost
the country N1.4 trillion in the three years to 2014, in contradiction
to her own claim of N170.7 billion for the same period. If what was
happening under Jonathan was in conflict with her “high moral
standards,” why did she not resign?
A country must confront the
mistakes of the past to correct them and build a better future than the
mess Jonathan and his team bequeathed. There is enough blame to go
round: the governors may have been right on the constitutional ground
that all revenues accruing to the federation be shared among the three
tiers of government, but they are paying the price for it today, as the
drastic fall in revenues has left them with no buffers and 27 states
owing staff salaries.
Okonjo-Iweala is way off base if
she thinks that she can talk herself out of that atrocious government.
While the Jonathan government was frittering its oil resources and
borrowing to sustain its profligacy, sanctions-hit Iran still managed to
have reserves of $93.9 billion and SWF of $62 billion by December 2015;
failing state, Libya, had $61.63 billion and $66 billion, and the
United Arab Emirates $79.9 billion and $1.21 trillion compared to
Nigeria’s $29 billion reserves and $2.9 billion SWF. No thanks to
Jonathan and his imprudent government.
In sum, Okonjo-Iweala must give
an unqualified, unambiguous apology to the Nigerian people for the
wrongs and injustices done to them on her watch as the Finance Minister
and Coordinating Minister for the Economy. Or else, she should just keep
quiet!
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